Decision postponed again
Once again, no decision has been made on the future of the sixth-generation FCAS fighter jet at the Franco-German Council of Ministers. The future of the 100 billion euro joint project remains in doubt.
PARIS/BERLIN (own report) – The 25th Franco-German Ministerial Council, which met in Toulon, France, on Friday, failed to make any progress on the most important Franco-German joint armaments project. It was announced before the meeting that there would now be no decision until the end of the year on the future of the Future Combat Air System (FCAS), a so-called sixth-generation fighter jet. Ever since the project was launched in 2017, Germany and France have been arguing over their “workshares” in the project, which is estimated to total 100 billion euros. However, the ministerial meeting in Toulon did produce a number of other announcements, including an agreement on energy sector cooperation and another on the scheduling of “strategic dialogues” on a joint EU nuclear deterrent. The latter, however, would depend on having an independent European fighter jet, such as the FCAS. Several European countries have now expressed an interest in joining the FCAS programme or even made concrete proposals. Belgium has pledged 300 million euros, while Spain, Switzerland and Portugal are weighing the advantages of abandoning the purchase of the US F-35 fighter jet.
‘Not discussed’
The 25th meeting of the Franco-German Council of Ministers, held on Friday in Toulon, France, failed to make any progress on the FCAS. At a meeting between German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and French President Emmanuel Macron in Berlin in July, it had previously been decided that the Council of Ministers should arrive at a decision on the sixth-generation fighter jet.[1] However, this decision has now been postponed again.[2] The problem remains a dispute over the distribution of development and production contributions to the project. France is demanding a much larger workshare in the project. German media are claiming that up to 80 per cent is at stake. Merz has overtly criticised the French demand this time. Shortly before leaving for the meeting in France he commented that the demand for a greater role for the French company Dassault Aviation “does not make things any easier”, so the question would “not be discussed” at the German-French government consultations in Toulon. On the other hand, the German Chancellor stressed the need for a “new fighter jet in Europe” and said he wanted a decision by the end of this year. Criticism of the renewed postponement is growing. Christoph Schmid, a member of the German Bundestag’s Defence Committee, was already warning before the intergovernmental meeting that, “If we don’t make a decision in Toulon to enter phase 2, it will all become ever more difficult.”[3] The second phase concerns the development of ‘airworthy demonstrators’.
Strategic dialogue
Nevertheless, the meeting in Toulon, chaired by Merz and Macron, did lead to a number of other announcements. The two leaders presented a ‘Franco-German Economic Agenda’ covering the areas of arms, industry and digital policy, which aims to establish joint initiatives and coordinated positions “at international, EU and bilateral level”.[4] The agenda focuses on an agreement to improve the integration of the energy markets of both countries. The German government has agreed to stop blocking EU subsidies for French nuclear energy projects. In return, Paris wants to support the long-stalled H2Med pipeline, intended to transport green hydrogen from Spain and Portugal to Germany via France. At the Toulon meeting a five-page document was also released, summarising the conclusions of Friday’s Franco-German Defence and Security Council.[5] The paper highlights the significant contribution of France’s “independent strategic nuclear forces” to the “overall security” of the transatlantic Alliance and announces the launch of a “strategic dialogue” between Germany and France on nuclear deterrence. The paper makes no mention of the FCAS, however.
Marked by disagreements
This omission is significant. The FCAS, which was officially announced as a key Franco-German project back in 2017, aims to produce an effective successor to the Eurofighter and the French Rafale. It is also intended to reduce the EU’s dependence on the US. Indeed, it is considered a “litmus test” for the ability of member states to “put national interests aside” in matters of armament.[6] Originally, Germany and France had joined forces to develop a sixth-generation fighter jet that could be deployed in combination with other jets, guided missiles, drones, and drone swarms.[7] However, disputes emerged from the outset between the two sides over the distribution of workshares for development and production. The disagreements only got worse with the inclusion of Spain in 2019, a move pushed by Germany. The additional partner, bringing in the Spain’s Airbus subsidiary, increases Berlin’s weight within the project. France, for its part, attaches great importance to the independent capabilities of its defence industry, as once demonstrated with its independent development of the Rafale jets. If the FCAS, whose costs are estimated to total around 100 billion euros, fails to materialise, “future major joint armament projects in Europe it will become increasingly unlikely,” notes the Berlin-based German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in a recent analysis.[8]
‘Nuclear independence’
However, Donald Trump’s second term in office has now strengthened those voices in Germany who call for the US nuclear shield over Europe to be replaced by an independent European shield. In February this year, Merz said, “Europe must become more independent from the USA also in nuclear terms.”[9] France is the only country in the EU that has its own nuclear weapons. Germany, on the other hand, only has a ‘nuclear sharing’ arrangement with the US, under which German aircraft can transport US nuclear bombs stored in Büchel (in the Eifel region) to a target in the event of war and drop them there.[10] So far, Tornado fighter jets have been designated as the carrier for this purpose. However, the fleet is outdated and will soon need to be replaced. Initially, Eurofighters were considered as successors, but using them to transport US nuclear weapons would have required US certification. This procedure would have meant revealing the industrial secrets contained in the European fighter jet. For this reason, Berlin decided to procure the US F-35 fighter jet for ‘nuclear sharing’. France, on the other hand, wants to have the FCAS available for carrying its nuclear weapons as soon as its Rafale jets need to be replaced. Paris rejects the idea of resorting to an American jet. The FCAS is therefore regarded as indispensable for “European” deployment of French nuclear weapons.
New interested parties
Although the FCAS project has been plagued by delays, several other European countries have recently expressed an interest in participation. Belgium, for example, has already taken steps to join the programme. In July of this year, the Belgian government approved a new ‘Strategic Vision 2025’ defence plan under which it promises to invest 300 million euros in the FCAS project and participate its development phase from 2026 to 2030.[11] However, Belgium is also pursuing the purchase of eleven US-made F-35A fighter jets, which has drawn criticism from Dassault CEO Eric Trappier. Trappier has said Belgium would be “welcome” to join the FCAS if it “abandoned the idea of buying F-35s”.[12] Belgian Defence Minister Theo Francken responded in kind, saying that the Belgian government would review its position on full membership of the FCAS project, as it “cannot take lessons from arrogant industrialists”. Spain, on the other hand, recently decided to put its plan to purchase F-35 jets on hold and is looking for European alternatives such as the Eurofighter or the FCAS.[13] Similarly, parliamentarians in Switzerland are pushing for cancellation of 36 F-35 fighter jets procurement. This move is in response to US President Trump’s decision to impose 39 per cent tariffs on imports of Swiss goods.[14] Finally, reports suggest that Portugal may also decide not to purchase F35 jets and now expresses an interest in joining the FCAS project initially with observer status.[15]
[1] S. dazu Noch immer kein Take-off.
[2] Iain Rogers: Germany and France Postpone FCAS Fighter Decision to End of Year. bloomberg.com 27.08.2025.
[3] Sabine Siebold: German lawmaker says Berlin could leave Franco-German jet project. reuters.com 27.08.2025.
[4] Franco-German Economic Agenda. 29.08.2025.
[5] Conclusions of the Franco-German Defense and Security Council. 29.08.2025.
[6] Dominic Vogel: Future Combat Air System: Too Big to Fail. SWP-Aktuell Nr. 98. Berlin, Dezember 2020.
[7] S. dazu Milliarden für künftige Kriege.
[8] Dominic Vogel: Future Combat Air System: Too Big to Fail. SWP-Aktuell Nr. 98. Berlin, Dezember 2020.
[9] Merz will mit europäischen Atommächten über Atomschutzschild sprechen. zeit.de 21.02.2025.
[10] S. dazu Festtage für die Rüstungsindustrie (II).
[11] Despite FCAS Fighter Program Nearing Collapse, Belgium Still Seeks to Join as a Full-Fledged Partner. defense-ua-com 24.07.2025.
[12] Charlotte Van Campenhout: Belgium reconsiders FCAS role after Dassault CEO slams F-35 purchase. reuters.com 25.07.2025.
[13] Csongor Körömi: Spain scraps plans to buy F-35 fighter jets. politico.eu 06.08.2025.
[14] Chris Lunday, Jacopo Barigazzi: Swiss lawmakers turn against F-35 deal after Trump’s tariff bombshell. politico.eu 11.08.2025.
[15] Peter Suciu: Will Portugal Join One of Europe’s Sixth-Generation Fighter Programs? nationalinterest.org 05.08.2025.
