The Imperial Consensus

Third Strongest Force

With the Alternative for Germany (AfD), an extreme right-wing party has succeeded in entering the German Bundestag for the first time since the 1950s.[1] The party won, off-the-cuff, 13 percent of last Sunday's vote and will represent the third strongest group in the federal parliament. Founded in 2013, the party's initial leadership had included well-known personalities from national-liberal and rightwing-conservative milieus in the German establishment, who were pushing for Germany to leave the euro zone. Sectors of the German business community, particularly among the small and medium size enterprises, have begun to consider the ailing euro as ultimately unfavorable to their interests. The attempt to use the nationalist sentiment, which has always been present in the Federal Republic of Germany, as a base for the party's activities against the euro, has enabled the extreme right-wing forces to gain influence and a predominant position in the AfD. With racist slogans and statements aimed at reassessing the Nazi-period, the party has successfully mobilized part of the extreme right-wing potential that - according to sociological studies always existed in Germany [2] - to vote in the elections.

Equal Footing Policymaking

In spite of the repudiation of the AfD by all of the parties in the Bundestag, the party's program shows remarkable parallels to the political objectives of nearly all other parliamentary parties on important issues - particularly in foreign and military policies. This includes the aspiration, not only in international policy of assuming the role of a "policymaking power" (AfD) - a global policy role - but also to rise to an equal footing with the United States. "The USA is Germany's most important ally," affirms the AfD's election program. "The guiding principle of an interest-oriented German foreign and security policy is the equality of both partners."[3] The SPD sees it similarly: Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel (SPD) recently diagnosed a "mutation in the global balance of power" - and predicted the "loss of the United States, as the most important nation."[4] The days, "when we could completely rely on others," are "slowly disappearing," declared Chancellor Angela Merkel, (CDU) in late May, referring to the USA. "We Europeans must take our destiny into our own hands."[5] "We are faced with a global competition for values and standards," wrote the Greens' top candidate Cem Özdemir in an online article for the specialized journal, "Internationale Politik" in early September, "in times, when these values are under attack by the United States and its president, himself, it is up to us, Europeans."[6]

"A Strong Bundeswehr"

Ranging from the ecology-liberal spectrum of the German establishment, through the social democrat and conservative milieus all the way to the nationalist circles of the AfD, there is an overarching consensus in the demand for significant arms buildup of the Bundeswehr. "The German armed forces" are "to be reformed," so that their "intervention readiness includes being operational for missions of the highest intensity," according to the AfD election program.[7] "For years," the Bundeswehr has been suffering "under the rigorous austerity dictate of conservative politicians," writes the Chair of the SPD Bundestag's Parliamentary Group, Thomas Oppermann. "Therefore, a sustained increase in the defense budget is necessary."[8] "Without a doubt, we, in Germany, need a powerful and operational Bundeswehr," declared the top candidate for the Greens, Özdemir, cautiously but openly to his party's clientele, some of whom had been engaged in the peace movement. "Our arms expenditures should be oriented on our needs."[9] The FDP also calls for "a modern Bundeswehr with mission-oriented structures, capable of both alliance and national defense, as well as international missions."[10] The Chancellor, herself, formulated the demand for a massive arms buildup for the conservative parties.

EU - Means of Influencing

Between the group ranging from the ecology-liberals to the conservative mainstream, on the one hand, and the nationalist spectrum, represented by the AfD, on the other, there is no dissension on questions of the aspiration to imperial "policy-making" in world politics, an "equal footing" with the USA, nor the demand for a comprehensive Bundeswehr arms buildup. Their differences lie mainly in questions of the strategic framework. Berlin's mainstream continues to rely on the Germany-dominated EU, as its preferred means for implementing its global aspirations. "A strong Germany, in the long run, can only be found in an operational Europe," predicts Özdemir. "Strengthening Europe's capability must be Germany's foreign policy priority."[11] Strengthening EU foreign and military policy and establishing pan-European military structure networks, which will allow the Bundeswehr to achieve the necessary strike capability,[12] is the objective of the Greens, the SPD, the FDP, and the CDU/CSU parties. In the future, the Bundeswehr should "draw its force from the fact that it is a member of an operational European Defense Union," insists Özdemir.[13] The FDP election program observes, "the European Union needs a European Army."[14]

The National Variation

The AfD deviates from this view, rejecting "the creation of an EU army," as well as every other standardization of the EU's foreign policy. "Germany needs a national security strategy."[15] The national variation for the realization of imperial aspirations could be effective, if the EU is no longer available, as Berlin's means for exercising global power, for example, if the union's recently apparent, growing internal contradictions would hinder its foreign effectivity, or if the movements in the member countries, favoring an exit of the EU, would continue to grow. Neither is unlikely. As was demonstrated, yesterday, by the AfD's electoral success, there is already a significant basis for Germany to embark on a national path. The AfD's racist policies, occasionally reassessing the Nazi-period are revealing the social forces that would benefit.

[1] In the elections of 1949, 1953 and 1957, the nationalist "German Party" was voted into the Bundestag, in 1949 the extreme right-wing "German Conservative Party"/"German Reichspartei" (DKP/DRP) as well, and in 1953 the revisionist "Federation of Expellees and Disenfranchised" (BHE). The "German Party" was a member of the first three Bonn government coalitions, and the BHE, a member of the second.
[2] See Willkommen in Deutschland, Saat und Ernte und Einpeitscher.
[3] Programm für Deutschland. Wahlprogramm der Alternative für Deutschland für die Wahl zum Deutschen Bundestag am 24. September 2017.
[4] "Der Westen ist ein Stück kleiner geworden". www.zeit.de 29.05.2017.
[5] See Das Ende einer Ära.
[6] Cem Özdemir: Für einen wertegeleiteten Realismus. Deutschland muss mehr Verantwortung in der Welt übernehmen. zeitschrift-ip.dgap.org 04.09.2017.
[7] Programm für Deutschland. Wahlprogramm der Alternative für Deutschland für die Wahl zum Deutschen Bundestag am 24. September 2017.
[8] Thomas Oppermann: Für eine europäische Verteidigungsunion. www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org 06.09.2017.
[9] Cem Özdemir: Für einen wertegeleiteten Realismus. Deutschland muss mehr Verantwortung in der Welt übernehmen. zeitschrift-ip.dgap.org 04.09.2017.
[10] Denken wir neu. Das Programm der Freien Demokraten zur Bundestagswahl 2017: "Schauen wir nicht länger zu."
[11] Cem Özdemir: Für einen wertegeleiteten Realismus. Deutschland muss mehr Verantwortung in der Welt übernehmen. zeitschrift-ip.dgap.org 04.09.2017.
[12] See Unter deutschem Kommando and Die deutsch-polnische Militärkooperation.
[13] Cem Özdemir: Für einen wertegeleiteten Realismus. Deutschland muss mehr Verantwortung in der Welt übernehmen. zeitschrift-ip.dgap.org 04.09.2017.
[14] Denken wir neu. Das Programm der Freien Demokraten zur Bundestagswahl 2017: "Schauen wir nicht länger zu."
[15] Programm für Deutschland. Wahlprogramm der Alternative für Deutschland für die Wahl zum Deutschen Bundestag am 24. September 2017.