Power Policy Priorities (II)

In Ethiopia

Yesterday, German President Joachim Gauck left for a visit of several days to Ethiopia. For yesterday evening, talks were scheduled with Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, today, a meeting with President Girma Wolde-Giorgis is on the agenda. Subsequent meetings with the African Union, whose headquarters are located in Addis Ababa, as well as talks with representatives of non-governmental organizations and religious communities are also on his schedule. Gauck will spend several days in Ethiopia. He is expected back in Berlin on Wednesday evening.

The Inner Ruling Circle

The timing of this visit is not of insignificance. Long-term Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who had been the main architect of Ethiopian government policy, died last summer. Hailemariam Desalegn was able to come to power, in the subsequent restructuring of the power apparatus in Addis Ababa. Back in the fall of 2012, Berlin insisted on receiving more precise information on the development of the choice of Mele's successor. In October, Sebhat Nega, a member of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), the predominating party in Addis, came to Berlin for talks. Sebhat is a member of the inner ruling circle in Addis. He is accused of complicity in human rights violations, for example, he is said to have been one of those responsible for repressive measures, that smashed the opposition, in the aftermath of the 2005 elections.[1] Therefore, Ethiopian human rights activists and members of the opposition protested, when Sebhat addressed the German parliament last October. Officially, he holds the position of Chair of the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development (EIIPD), designated by the SPD-affiliated Friedrich Ebert Foundation as one of its cooperation partners in Addis Ababa. Gauck's current consultations are a continuation of the Berlin talks on the restructuring of the Ethiopian regime.

Leading Power at the Horn of Africa

Developments in Addis Ababa are of great importance to Berlin, because Ethiopia, due to its geostrategic situation, is among Germany's most important allies in Africa. Ethiopia can be considered a leading power in the far east of Africa. It has the largest population and the strongest military. For years, the Ethiopian military has been repeatedly intervening in Somalia, where it is seeking to put pro-western forces into power. Under Meles, Addis had also sent troops into Sudan, to help impose western concepts of order. (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[2]) Not least of all, in Europe and the USA, this majority Christian country is seen as a bulwark against Islamist forces. From the western perspective, this country is of such great significance, because it would be disastrous, if anti-western Islamists could wrest control over the Horn of Africa and thereby, over the maritime routes between Europe and the Middle East and eastern Asia. This is why, for years, the German government has been working so closely with Addis Ababa, which includes extensive finances in development aid, as well as Bundeswehr support for the Ethiopian armed forces.[3]

No Fig Leaf

Following Meles' death last summer, human rights organizations briefly nourished hopes that, the restructuring of the power in Addis could bring improvements in the human rights situation and relief for the opposition. However, these hopes were dashed rather soon. Therefore, last November, the German Green Party-affiliated Heinrich Böll Foundation announced it was closing its Addis branch office. They did not want to serve as a fig leaf for the regime and its repression. Currently the Ethiopian Human Rights Committee points out that Ethiopia, the country "with the highest number of journalists, who have fled," is not losing its media representatives for no reason. Many journalists are currently in Ethiopian jails. At the beginning of the year, Human Rights Watch drew attention to the case of incarcerated journalist Eskinder Nega. Eskinder had been arrested in the aftermath of the 2005 elections and the ensuing repression of mass protests. He was released two years later, placed under constant surveillance and forbidden to publish. He was again arrested in 2011, and sentenced – under Ethiopia's anti-terrorism laws – to 18 years, a sentence, human rights organizations find simply absurd.[4]

Spying On

According to the most recent reports, German technology is also instrumental in the repression of the opposition. It is reported that security experts in an analysis for the University of Toronto's Citizen Lab discovered a Trojan by the name "FinSpy," which had been introduced into Ethiopia. It had been developed by the German company, Gamma International. A mouse click on a photo activates this Trojan, which then makes a protocol of all activities of the computer's user. Skype communications can be recorded, microphones, transformed into listening devices. The transcript is then sent to an the Ethiopian state telecommunications provider. The decoy photos, used to activate the virus depict "Ginbot 7" opposition activists. "This is an indication that the infection is a politically motivated targeting," says a security expert.[5] Members of the opposition in Bahrain have also been spied on in this way – thanks also to German technology.[6]

[1] s. dazu Unveräußerliche Rechte und Governance-Aspekte
[2] s. dazu Statthalter des Westens und Die Ruhe des Dampfdrucktopfs
[3] s. dazu Diktatorenhilfe und Stütze der Repression
[4] Civil Society Crackdown in Ethiopia; www.hrw.org 04.01.2013
[5] Äthiopien - Oppositionelle mit deutscher Software ausgeforscht? www.ndr.de 13.03.2013
[6] s. dazu Wie man Diktaturen stabilisiert