For the Leadership of Europe

BERLIN (german-foreign-policy.com) - In view of a steadily growing portion of the world market, cornered by German armament exports, German economic representatives are demanding government guarantees on arms exports. German companies should also have to be attributed larger portions of European Union (EU) defense projects. This is the ultimatum like formulation of the Federal Association of German Industry (BDI). At the same time, the business association demands that the neighboring states should, at long last, privatize their shares in arms industries. This would remove state protection from the German arms industries' competitors. It is being counted on, in the German Ministry of Defense, that there will be renewed measures for the concentration of arms production. A "national consolidation of the arms industry" is necessary, in order to ensure the German position, declares a speaker of the Ministry. The politico-economic demands are pushing toward confrontation between the EU states and is aiming toward a future monopoly of power in the hands of the strongest.

High Level

Over the past few years, the German arms industry has tripled the value of its arms exports and increased its proportion of the world market from 3,5 to over 8 per cent. In 2003, Berlin rose to fourth place in the group of the world's largest arms exporters following Russia, the USA and France.[1] For the subsequent year, the German churches' critical balance sheet report on arms exports, discovered a "stability at high altitude".[2] The volume of trade, represented by export licenses for weapons' and armaments' exports, was at 3.8 billion Euro. Weapons were delivered, to a large extent, to developing countries and into conflict regions. Therefore Germany is still in fourth place among the world's most successful participants in international warfare.

Export warranties

The German weapons producers are by no means content with their achieved status and are demanding more state support for their expansionist intentions. According to circles in the arms industry, the former SPD-Green coalition government has, over the past seven years, "initiated important developments".[3] The exportation of war material is already under the stipulation of German "security interests" and the licenses are very generously accorded. Still the German weapons manufacturers see themselves as disadvantaged in international competition, and are calling on the government coalition to loosen still further the control standards covering arms exports.[4] In addition, in a current position paper of the Federal association of the German industry (BDI), the arms sectors of German industry are calling for export guarantees from the federal government for their weapons supplies: "the German military engineering industry needs (...) all forms of state warranties for authorized arms exports in accordance with the same criteria as for other export articles."[5]

Investments

The arms sectors suggest that the Government view the arms industry as a "strategic resource and as an instrument of an active foreign policy" and therefore promote it more vigorously, in order to gain influence in Europe. Thus the BDI links the - otherwise denied - industrial interests and developing militarization of the German great power posture. The German military expenditure is to be, therefore, nearly doubled for the structural change ("Bundeswehr in Deployment"). The industry would like to see investments for new hardware - currently at four billion Euro and representing 18 per cent of the defense budget - increased to at least 30 per cent.

Privatization

As German arms producers see it, their "influence in Europe," when compared to their importance, is not at an "appropriate level". Nationalized industries, of other European states, have an advantage through competition-distorting measures, alleges the German armaments industry. It demands that, for military orders, "the German industry be allowed to participate in accordance with the national financial contribution and its importance in European joint projects." Whereas the German government is being called upon to increase subvention of the German arms industry, it is calling on the European rivals to denationalize and reduce their state influence. A goal is to buy out foreign arms manufacturers and concentrate arms production in German hands. The privatization being sought over the potential of interstate destruction is described as freedom from governance: "transformation of all defense industries (...) into private structures and dissolution of state domination."[6]

Nucleus Group

The BDI receives support from German government advisors. A military expert from the Science and Politics Foundation (SWP) in Berlin, complains of the arms proportion and pleads to "win back lost ground." He says the "loss of significance of the German military engineering industry" when compared internationally is "very extensive."[7] The Center for Applied Policy Research (CAP) in Munich, assists with a concrete proposal for the design of the European Arms Agency (EDA) created in 2004. Within this institution, which is seen as the central command post for armament, competence conflicts with other EU instances have already developed, so, according to CAP, a "nucleus group of the largest arms producers" should be formed. This nucleus group, consisting of Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy and Spain, would have the task of designing a "comprehensive armament policy strategy for Europe."[8] This would de facto give this nucleus group the control over the entire destructive potential of the European Union, whose deployment the remaining European Union members would have to execute.

Struggle

At the level also of personnel policy, German influence is to be strengthened within the EDA. Thomas Kossendey, military expert of the CDU and deputy chairman of the defense committee, asks Berlin to "take the arms agency seriously" and to send in more qualified personnel. The deputy director of the EDA, the German, Hilmar Linnenkamp, is a competent man, "but alone he cannot do the job." The British and French still have "a more clear presence." The representative of the ruling party also deplored Berlin's alleged discrimination in questions of military policy.[9] These pronouncements are evidence of an ongoing rivalry between the national administrations of the multinational arms concerns, whose spectrum almost exclusively covers the EU nucleus group states and between whom a struggle is taking place, for who will take over the leadership of Europe.

[1] see also "Spektakuläre Erfolge" im Waffenhandel and Rüstungsexport-Offensive
[2] Gemeinsame Konferenz Kirche und Entwicklung: Rüstungsexportbericht 2005; www.gkke.org
[3] Deutsche Rüstungsfirmen sollen gestärkt werden; Handelsblatt 09.01.2006
[4] see also Interview mit Andrea Kolling and Interview mit Christopher Steinmetz
[5] Positionspapier zur Interessenwahrnehmung der deutschen wehrtechnischen Industrie in Europa; www.bdi-online.de
[6] Beschaffung von Verteidigungsgütern; www.bdi-online.de
[7] Deutsche Rüstungsfirmen sollen gestärkt werden; Handelsblatt 09.01.2006
[8] Verteidigungsagentur contra Kommission? Anspruch und Wirklichkeit einer rüstungspolitischen Gesamtstrategie für Europa; www.cap-lmu.de
[9] Deutsche Rüstungsfirmen sollen gestärkt werden; Handelsblatt 09.01.2006. See also Deutsche Personalinteressen

see also Gewehr bei Fuß, Größeres Selbstbewusstsein, Beschleunigter Transfer and Homeland Security


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